Hong Kong and China =================== TUNGS TIANANMEN HEADACHE ------------------------- The capital of Red China massacre of 1989 close up haunts China. We constitution on its significance to Hong Kong, and on hints of ar writing of score in China dateline: HONG KONG EACH year at this time, Hong Kong commemorates the Beijing massacre of June fourth 1989. It does so in a actually Hong Kong way. P arnts bring their children to the candlelit observation post in Victoria Park, as if for a Lantern Festival ginger focussing; professionals dash straight from turn outice, AgnAes B bags swinging; and the local drug-store chain, Watsons, does a roaring trade in paper candleholders. Wax still drips to the ground. exclusively, as Martin Lee, Hong Kongs best-k directlyn politician, points out, it is diligently scraped off again before families mastermind for bed. This year the clump was estimated at 55,000-twice as big as in 1996. It is undecipherable how mischievously Hong Kongs future masters in Beijing straightaway entertain the territorys annual act of remembrance. The religious rite protest by Xinhua, Chinas de facto embassy, objective the British of masterminding the demonstrations, was delivered al or so lackadaisically this time. True, a June world-class swear out to Xinhua calling for an semiofficial ``reassessment of Tiananmen aggravated the usual tv fall cameras peeking out behind Xinhuas grubby blinds. But it as well as brought to the windows most light-hearted Xinhua officials, apparently snapping for the family album. As for the official press in China, it none this week merely that with ``the wages to the motherland, Hong Kong people have begun to express their joy and happy feelings in a wide var. show of celebration activities. What is puddle is that all kind of unrestricted conceptualisation over Tiananmen r closeers tung Chee-hwa, who go out be Hong Kongs chief decision maker from July 1st, deeply uncomfortable. It was time, said Mr tung this week, to put aside the ``baggage of June 4th. For some reason, Mr tung idea survive to dispel any(prenominal) heading that he himself had ever ``interpreted part in any June 4th-related activities. The future chief executive director has notwithstanding to give any indication of whether he lead allow much(prenominal) activities honorable year. Some of his closest advisers dear hope he depart not. If Mr Tung chooses to clamp brush up after July 1st-and the laws have in so far to be written-an eagerness to enthral Chinas leadership provide doubtlessly be an important motive. But Mr Tung and the powerful businessmen he is close to overly have homegrown reasons for snap down. The Tiananmen killings brought the moment when Hong Kongers shed their apolitical reputation, as 1m people took to the streets to bring to pass against repression in Beijing. Many of Hong Kongs tycoons, however, some(prenominal) preferred the old days, when the being was reliably passive. After the freethinking encouraged by Chris Patten, the upcoming British governor, Mr Tung wants to feed to a more paternalist style. In China-backed schools in Hong Kong, children are already writing posters: ``Learn from granddaddy Tung. To the group around Mr Tung, Tiananmen marked the start of a ugly road: without extreme persistence in stamping on egalitarian shoots, some argue, populist wardrobe will lead to the shutdown of laisser-faire Hong Kong, and the rise of a growth-sapping well-being state. One jumpy billionaire, Ronnie Chan, a property developer who has Mr Tungs ear, credits the retreating imperialists with long cunning. He insists that Britain has maliciously ``booby-trapped Hong Kong with big(a) bombs, such as introducing the highly popular idea of a pension scheme. Libby Wong, a source high official in the cultured service and now a member of the soon-to-be scrapped legislature, is baking hot with this sort of thing. She also disagrees with Mr Tungs anger with the Tiananmen commemoration: ``Its when people are forced to bottle things up that they get angry, declares Ms Wong.
Anson Chan, Mr Pattens hugely popular chief secretary, who will become Mr Tungs number gallus on July 1st, this week also appeared to issue a representative to her future boss. She had, she told Newsweek, less affright of what China efficiency do to Hong Kong than what damage homegrown initiatives might wreak, referring perhaps to the more interventionist damages policy in choose of big business favoured by Mr Tung and his friends. She hoped, she said, speaking of civil liberties, never to have to nurse anything against her conscience, implying that she would preferably resign. And she saw no reason to disallow demonstrators from cheering anti-Communist slogans. few Hong Kongers shout such slogans; they are not very militant. Still, they region the sentiment: an imprint poll published this week by Hong Kong University reported that three-quarters of those asked thought that Hong Kong should press for more res publica in China. And, while Mr Tung trots out the notion that wholly a ``very, very lesser lot of people take to the streets, the crowds at the candle-lit vigil on June 4th-many queuing for Martin Lees autograph-suggested otherwise. ****** right of first publication of the publication is the property of the publishing company and the textbook whitethorn not be copied without the express written allowance of the publisher moreover for the in strike of the idiot box screen content or via the print options of the software. Text is intend alone for the use of the several(prenominal) user. procure of Tungs Tiananmen headache. is the property of The Economist. Its content may not be copied without the copyright holders express written authorization except for the print or download intended solely for the use of the idiosyncratic user. marrow provided by EBSCO Publishing. Tools E-mail this article Print this article If you want to get a broad(a) essay, order it on our website: Ordercustompaper.com
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